Abstract

This paper examines the alarming rise of Black femicide, the gender-based killing of Black cisgender and transgender women, social variables, and the Black Manosphere, which is an online community where Black American men discuss issues related to gender dynamics, relationships, and societal expectations. In this research, Black cisgender and transgender women are both considered under the umbrella term Black women. This research also considers Black cisgender straight and lesbian women uniformly, as I have centered this on gender identification. However, future research could explore the distinct challenges lesbian women face.

By analyzing sociocultural contexts, case studies, and statistical data, this research explores how harmful online rhetoric manifests in real-life violence against Black women. This work emphasizes addressing online misogyny and proposes actionable steps forward, including educational reforms, online accountability, community organization, and political advocacy that protects and celebrates Black women.  By centering the humanity of Black women, this research contributes to the broader understanding of race, gender, and culture.

Introduction

Femicide, the killing of women by men on account of their gender, manifests in diverse sociocultural forms (Radford and Russell 2009). Femicide’s impact spans classes, societies, and sexual orientation – yet within the United States, its disproportionate persecution of Black women is critically unexplored. This patriarchal product not only victimizes the young and old but threatens social spaces with misogynistic narratives and physical violence. Increasingly, Black femicide finds a breeding ground in the Black Manosphere — an online community where Black men circulate misogynistic and often violent ideologies. Black women are increasingly victimized by Black Femicide, cultural blind spots, and the Black Manosphere — and this gendered war calls for urgent scholarship, advocacy, and palpable action.

Black Femicide: The Urgency of Gendered Violence

Black femicide is rooted in misogynoir, which refers to the intersectional oppression of Black women based on their gender and race. Black women are slaughtered at rates four times higher than non-Black women, and the death toll for Black trans women has risen by a harrowing 93% in just four years (The Guardian 2022).  Despite these alarming statistics, Black femicide remains in discursive shadows. Black women are overlooked by social commentary that centers on patriarchal victimhood, here referring to the centralization of Black men’s experiences in wrongful death.

Imara Jones unpacks Black femicide’s erasure in her analysis of Netflix’s When They See Us (Jones 2019). While the series is a captivating depiction of the racialized violence Black men face, it inadvertently illustrates a darker narrative: that Black male victimhood usually takes precedence over the compounded affliction of Black cisgender women, women who identify with their biological sex, and transgender women, women who do not identify with their biological sex. Pop culture can hardly imagine and hold space for a diverging, paramount reality: that many Black trans and cis women are dying at the hands of their men (Jones 2019).

Sidelined: The Erasure of Black Trans Women From Racial Justice

Imara Jones also provides insight into the divide between Black cisgender women and Black transgender women. She notes that after Malaysia Booker and Chynal Lindsay’s tragic deaths, no Black women’s organizations vocalized support for them. From Alpha Kappa Alpha to the National Coalition of 100 Black Women, the community had a ‘deafening silence’ (Jones 2019). Even when victimized by similar hatred, Black cisgender women often draw a cisgender divide between their suffering and transgender women. Black cisgender women, despite their sexual orientation, tend to be bound to the biological parameters of traditional womanhood as defined by cisgender Black men. Against this historical backdrop, embracing Black trans women as women leads some cis Black women to fear losing their access to cisgender privileges – and, therefore, proximity to Black men. Black cisgender women, constrained by patriarchal womanhood, often betray Black trans women in the pursuit of cisgender victimhood, denying them equal humanity, even in the shared tragedy of Black femicide (Jones 2019).  

 Indeed, Black femicide at the hands of Black men challenges hegemonic narratives of Black victimhood, resulting in the systemic erasure of Black cis and transgender women from racial justice movements. Malaysia Booker and Chynal Linsday, two Black transgender women, and Kierra Cols and Porscha Owens, two Black cisgender women, were all killed by the gender-based violence rampant in Black communities (Jones 2019). Yet, despite heightened racial consciousness in Black Lives Matter’s 2020 revival, these women were virtually excluded from mainstream mourning and advocacy. Their invisibility highlights a broader issue:  Black advocacy denies Black women the same conviction afforded to Black men victimized by racist policing. Ironically, three Black women, Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi founded Black Lives Matter (Salzman 2020). From its 2013 establishment, Black Lives Matter sought to center and uplift the victimhood and labor of Black women in racial justice.  However, refusing to evolve our understanding of racialized violence past a patriarchal, biracial lens threatens to erase the experiences of Black women, leaving their victimization unaddressed. 

The Black Community and Transgender Identity

Kiana Cox of the Pew Research Center sheds light on the Black community and transgender identity, providing insight into the particular erasure of Black trans femicide (Cox 2023). Cox found that Black Americans are generally unexposed to transgender identities in their communities. Only a meager 1.4% of Black adults identify as transgender or nonbinary (Cox 2023). Moreover, only 35% of Black adults report a personal connection with a transgender individual, which pales in comparison to the general public’s 44% (Cox 2023). 

Cox then explores overt transphobia, revealing profoundly ingrained belief systems on gender identity. She finds that 68% of Black adults believe that gender should be assigned at birth, higher than the general public’s 60% (Cox 2023). Cox suggests that this belief is greatly determined by intraracial partisanship and religious affiliation, with Black moderates and devouts over 20% more likely to align with this gender fundamentalism (Cox 2023). While six in ten Black adults acknowledge that transgender people face significant discrimination in the U.S. today, many express little concern for the moral treatment of transgender individuals (Cox 2023). While 36% of Black Americans believe trans acceptance is socially lacking, a striking 60% think it is as much as overly progressive. The data illustrate a troublesome paradox within Black America: a simultaneous acknowledgment of transphobia and a lack of urgency to address it. By remaining unmoved in these belief systems, Black communities not only contribute to Black trans women’s marginalization but simultaneously erase their victimhood. 

Patriarchal Victimhood and the Erasure of Black Women

When transgender identity disillusions the collective Black community,  there grows a marginalization of Black trans women’s victimhood. Patriarchal victimhood, as highlighted by Tre-Ventour Griffiths, propagates the specific overshadowing of Black transgender femicide (Griffiths 2020).  While agreeing that Black cisgender men face racialized violence, he acknowledges their privileges in a transphobic and patriarchal world. His lived experience—rarely feeling unsafe walking at night, never fearing ostracism from his community, or the threat of male violence against Black transgender and cisgender women—demonstrates how Black cisgender men’s suffering pales in comparison to the daily brutality faced by Black women (Griffiths 2020).

Griffiths boldly criticizes the Black community for its complicity in police-inflicted violence against  Black transgender women. Despite being the most represented by anti-policing, cisgender Black men have consistently sidelined the struggles of Black trans women. Griffiths points out that in its 2020 revival, the Black Lives Matter movement simultaneously perpetuated transphobia, further marginalizing Black trans femmes. To genuinely resist anti-Blackness, Black Americans must denounce transphobia. Black America cannot continue to operate in contradiction — it weakens resistance to state-sanctioned violence while inadvertently perpetuating it. Whether it be Rodney King, Mike Brown, or Breonna Taylor, racialized victimhood remains cisgender – and Black trans women, who are 370%  more likely to be brutalized by the police, remain an afterthought. The Black Manosphere, Black transphobia, and patriarchal systems are complicit in the erasing of Black women’s victimhood. Griffiths’ cisgender male perspective makes for a powerful call to action: Black liberation is entirely contingent on the radical inclusion of Black trans women. 

The Black Manosphere: Digitized Misogynoir and Its Implications

While Griffiths critiques the Black community’s complicity in the marginalization of Black trans women, the digital realm further entrenches this erasure. Both Black transgender and cisgender women’s systematic dehumanization, especially in intracommunal contexts, is insidiously implicated by the Black Manosphere. Alexandria Onuoha holds that these echo chambers of far-right ideologies play into Black male insecurities— redirecting rage at White supremacy into internalized racism, sexism, and transphobia (Onuhoa 2022). This cyclical resentment not only exacerbates Black femicide but also reveals how enclaves like the Black Manosphere both incubate misogynistic ideologies and create intracommunal estrangement amongst Black Americans. The Black Manosphere often masquerades as a hub for podcasts and short-form media, offering financial, dating, and life advice (Onuhoa 2022). Yet, behind this “self-help” veil, the Black Manosphere is a digitized misogynoir– online behavior that comprises the racial and gender-based oppression of Black women (Onuhoa 2022).

The Black Manosphere works to ostracize Black women, both cisgender and transgender alike, from White-defined traditional womanhood (Onuhoa 2022). Its users tirelessly emasculate Black women by sensationalizing dating experiences, imposing harsh double standards, misrepresenting the messages of female artists, and framing their entitlement to respect as attacks on Black “traditional” manhood. Black emasculation is a textbook White supremacist mechanism: the emasculation of non-White bodies to control and oppress. Central to this narrative is the portrayal of Black femininity as a direct threat to Black masculinity. This perceived undermining of Black male dominance casts Black women as adversaries rather than partners, manifesting into gendered violence. By engaging with the Black Manosphere and its core beliefs, Black men become complicit in bigotry that manifests as intracommunal, patriarchal violence.

The Black Manosphere and An Entangled Incel Culture

While the Black Manosphere primarily functions as an incubator for harmful rhetoric, it is also profoundly entangled with the rise of incel culture, a culture consisting of involuntary celibate (incel) men. This dangerous ideology not only distorts perceptions of Black women but actively advocates for violence against women, manifesting in the real-world atrocities that we see today. Michael Vallerga and Eileen Zurbriggen provide a nuanced introduction to the incel community, defining it as an enclave in which hegemonic and traditional masculinity are fostered and embraced (Vallerga and Zurbriggen 2022). The incel community contains media like The Red Pill Forum and other mediums that reinforce and escalate misogyny (Vallerga and Zurbriggen 2022). Most pertinently, the incel community holds that women are inherently deceptive and promiscuous, exploiting men and themselves as an attack on traditional manhood. Perceived deception ranges from dishonesty about previous sexual partners to the dangerous endorsement of rape myths. In holding that women are inherently deceitful – even in the face of sexual trauma — the risk factor for sexual and other male-inflicted violence skyrockets. 

As the incel community grows, it exacerbates the already high rates of Black femicide. Feelings of entitlement, rejection, and powerlessness often lead men, particularly Black men, to justify gendered violence. This violence becomes a tool for asserting dominance over women. Many Red Pill posters casually discussed sexual assault as a natural solution, writing that “based on how more and more men are becoming incel due to sexual distribution getting more unequal, the only way some men would be able to obtain sex would be via rape” (Vallerga and Zurbriggen 2022). Men also threatened homicide, one user writing, “If all of us grab a wrap/knife we can make [this] the day of the incelindependenceday…wouldn’t rest until every incel gets his revenge. Go ER or fuck with the femoids [women] for the sake of good ol’ times” (Vallerga and Zurbriggen 2022). Such sadist rhetoric, gender narratives, and planned violence illustrate the danger of digitized misogyny through incel culture and the Black Manosphere, all of which normalize Black femicide. 

Profiting From Misogynoir: The Black Manosphere’s Business Model

While the Black Manosphere and incel culture are already frightening, their economic lucrativeness is a force to be reckoned with. The Fresh and Fit podcast is just one example of digitized misogynoir that wrings the Black community for profit. In 2022, the podcast came under fire for espousing contemptuous anti-Black woman ideologies, referring to Black women as  “Shaniquas” that insult Black men’s social value (Lampley 2022). When Asian Doll, a Black woman invited as a guest, criticized this violent characterization, the hosts launched into verbal assault, humiliating and degrading her on live air.

As previously established, the emasculation of Black women is a historical White supremacist mechanism adopted by many cisgender Black men. It paints Black women as inhumane, aggressive, and violent creatures that are unworthy of love and protection. The “Shaniquification” and humiliation of Black women, therefore, is not mere banter, but a calculated, monetized spectacle that alienates and dehumanizes Black women through media — and eventually, in their victimhood. With Fresh and Fit generating over 238 million views with some hosts worth up to $1 million, it is clear that the Black Manosphere carelessly rewards those who reinforce harmful misogynoir, thriving on an audience that eagerly vilifies Black women (Social Blade 2025). 

Beyond Fresh and Fit, several cisgender, bigoted and opportunistic Black men are making a profit within the Black Manosphere, damned to the violent implications. The late Kevin Samuels remains a major voice in the Black Manosphere, building a repugnant platform around rigidly traditional gender roles,  harmful double standards, and a sheer hatred for (Black) women. While outwardly abrasive, his sharp-tongued content was not only widespread but lucrative—generating millions of dollars through Instagram, YouTube, and newsletter subscriptions (Startup Booted 2025). Samuel’s aggressive rhetoric has gone on to inspire existing Black Manosphere content in extensive industries. The Lead Attorney, Mediocre Tutorials, and Poor Man’s Podcast are all mainstream YouTubers capitalizing on Samuel’s malignant philosophies. Disguising Red-Pill takes under legal advice, entertainment, and self-help, such con-men consistently test and expand misogynoir’s social acceptability, amassing large followings and profit through super chats, Patreon, and consultations. The Black Manosphere commodifies violence and proliferates both Black cisgender and transgender women’s victimhood by establishing these narratives intracommunally, rendering gendered brutalization permissible and seeking support strenuous (Journey Magazine Online 2024). 

Silence is Violence: The Understudied Link Between The Black Manosphere  and Black Femicide

 Regardless of the spokesman or platform, Black digitized misogynoir and incel culture have a clear foreboding: planted seeds of dehumanization threaten to reap high femicide rates. These dynamics are already at play within White supremacist, misogynistic online spaces. On May 23, 2014, Elliot Rodger killed six and injured 14 people in Isla Vista, California (BBC News 2018). A self-proclaimed incel with a manifesto detailing his violent plans to seek revenge on women, Rodger became a martyr and source for inspiration for other gender-based violence. In 2018, Rodger-inspired Scott Berle killed two women at a yoga studio in Tallahassee, Florida, and had an extensive history of online misogyny, nazism, and racialized hatred (Hughes et al 2024). In March 2020, incel Tres Recno was arrested for a plot to mass murder women at Ohio State University, a shooting that would have temporally coincided with Rodger’s 2014 attack. He too detailed an extreme desire to harm all women in his manifesto and was a self-proclaimed incel, substantiating his conviction of attempted hate crime (Hughes et al 2024). 

While incel violence perpetuated by digitized misogyny is heavily recorded in White spaces, there is a severe gap in scholarship, contextualization, and urgent advocacy within the Black community. When White perpetrators inflict harm in both private and public spaces, their psychology and online decorum are rightfully scrutinized—but when Black women are victimized at surging rates, their Black and radicalized perpetrators are hardly granted the same urgency or viewed through the lens of gendered hate. With the Black Manosphere growing and history demonstrating the correlation between digitized hate and gendered violence, this lack of scholarship and advocacy is deeply troubling, demonstrating the importance of urgent research. While White incel violence often takes form in mass shootings, gendered violence in Black spaces often takes form in intimate partner violence, public ridicule, and the permissibility of misogynoir and eventual Black femicide. While many perpetrators in the Black community are not revealed as incels, there is still an underlying, violent misogynoir fueled by the Black Manosphere in the same way the White Manosphere has contributed to extensive murders.

Hip-hop culture further illustrates how violent misogynoir is not only overlooked but also dismissed as a communal or private matter rather than a systemic issue. Tory Lanez’s 2020 shooting of Megan Thee Stallion and the slew of digitized misogynoir is just a recent example. Amanda Howell Whitehurst from NPR articulates Megan’s tearful testimony, the three-year fight for justice, and online rifts as a deep normalization of misogynoir in hip-hop—one that can not be resolved by a singular “guilty” verdict (Whitehurst 2023). Indeed, with PBS, Laura Baron-Lopez recalls the bastardizing effect online misogynoir had on Megan’s victimhood, where negative publicity and hip-hop figures turned Megan into a villain (XXL Magazine 2023). From online trolls to rappers like Drake and 50 Cent — who themselves have been accused of gendered violence and predation — Megan was brutally mocked (Vox 2024). Rap is one of the most financially lucrative and culturally prominent industries within the Black community, with its top artists lionized like deities, establishing once more the political and economic foundation misogynoir has within the Black community. 

The overwhelming backlash left Megan struggling with severe depression, and in her own words, wishing at times that she had not survived the shooting (Lopez et al. 2022). Memes, online dialogue, and public figures relentlessly attacked her, emasculating her, calling her a liar, using her lyrics to justify the violence, and even releasing music mocking her trauma (Lopez et al. 2022). Indeed, the National Women’s Law Center firmly reports on Megan’s communal abandonment as misogynoir dangerously enabled in the online and daily Black community, implicating Black women’s underprotection, underreported violence, and high fatalities by Black male partners (NWLC 2022). Megan Thee Stallion’s public crucifixion is a poignant reminder that Black women’s suffering is often dismissed as a private, intimate matter— when brought to the public, treated as entertainment and digital dogpiling. This relentless digitized misogynoir mirrors the fatal contempt seen in White incel spaces — but the Black Manosphere and gendered violence remain largely separated. While Megan’s attack was non-fatal, a growing Black Manosphere and the overwhelming communal rejection show an increasing tolerance for violence against Black women, escalating from public degradation to deadly consequences (Rolling Stone 2023). Without urgent scholarship, advocacy, or palpable community action, this unchecked cycle of digital dehumanization will feed the rising tide of Black femicide. 

Fighting Back: Actionable Interventions to Misogynoir and Femicide in the Black Community

Black Femicide, the Black Manosphere, incel culture, and patriarchal victimhood rampant in the Black community are all rooted in transphobic and misogynistic values. To combat misogynistic hatred from manifesting into physical and fatal violence, therefore, we must foster acceptance and celebration of Black women within the community.

1. Education Awareness in Schools

Implementing Gender and sexuality education in predominantly Black neighborhood schools facilitates acceptance of Black youth, and educators can promote greater understanding and acceptance among Black youth and educators. These programs should emphasize respect, empathy, and accountability of diverse gender and sexual identities. Additionally, uplifting historical and contemporary contributions of Black women promote inclusivity and challenge harmful narratives. 

2. Support Systems for Black Cisgender Girls and Transgender Youth

Similarly, establishing support systems, programs, and initiatives for Black cisgender girls and transgender youth is critical. Examples include peer counseling, visibility days, affinity groups, after-school mixers, and mentorship programs led by Black female leaders. Inclusive media that represents Black women in their dynamic, beautiful light creates an affirming safe space for Black female youth. These reforms build up these vulnerable populations and encourage others to reject divisive, violent thinking.

3. Online Accountability

The Black community must also push for reform outside the classroom and youth spaces, starting with online communities. Platforms hosting the Black Manosphere must acknowledge misogynoir as inherently violent and take action through stringent policies, while also addressing their financial lucrativeness. Black advocates should push for the demonetization and policing of harmful platforms, disincentivizing ignorant opportunists from seeking profit off of abrasive rhetoric. This includes policing Super Chats and Patreons. Black leaders should also consider partnering with tech experts to permeate these hostile spaces with inclusion and counter-narratives.

4. Community and Policy Reform

Grassroots advocates, Black women’s groups, and community organizers should all recognize Black femicide as a significant threat to Black liberation. Rather than adhering to patriarchal victimhood, the community must treat all forms of violence against Black individuals as equally essential and dedicate time, resources, and policy reform to addressing them. Hosting workshops to confront and extinguish transphobia, racism, and sexism is one such reform. These events should promote dialogue and educate community members on the harm of misogynistic and transphobic ideologies. Actionable plans and policy reforms must also aim to protect Black women against systemic violence. Such actions include lobbying for stricter laws against gender-based violence, increased funding in Black communities to support women fleeing domestic violence, and expanding access to mental health resources tailored to the Black community.

Conclusion

This paper has outlined the intersected relationship between Black femicide, communal values, and the Black Manosphere in what is truly an attack on Black women. Black women, whether cisgender or transgender, are implicated by a violent misogynoir— yet their victimhood remains largely unvoiced. To extinguish the alarming rise in femicide, profitable community ignorance, and digitized misogynoir, the Black community must embrace inclusive, intersectional resistance that defends transgender and cisgender women’s humanity. Genuine Black liberalization is contingent on dismantling patriarchal victimhood that dually erases and brutalizes Black women. Recognizing the intersections of race, gender, and digital culture is not just about celebrating all Black women— it is a matter of life and death.

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